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Posted by
Olog-hai
on Sat Aug 23 04:59:27 2008
edf40wrjww2msgDetailOT:detailStr fiogf49gjkf0d Where have we heard talk like this before . . . ?
EuropeanVoice.com
Time for the EU to speak with one voiceBy Jacek Kucharczyk
21.08.2008 / 13:45 CETWithout concerted political will to act strategically and decisively, even the Lisbon treaty's institutional reforms will not give the EU the coherence to contain, let alone confront, a resurgent Russia.Is the European Union truly able to be a significant actor in international affairs, even in neighbouring regions? That is one of the questions thrown up by Russia’s invasion of Georgia. For some European politicians, the expectations that the EU really should be a major actor are further proof that Europe sorely needs the institutional reforms envisaged in the Treaty of Lisbon.
France’s President Nicolas Sarkozy, for one, has said that had the treaty already been in force, “the European Union would have had the institutions it needs to cope with international crises" such as the conflict in Georgia. On some levels he is right. There is no doubt that institutional changes envisaged in the treaty, such as the creation of the posts of EU president and ‘foreign minister’ and of an EU external action (diplomatic) service, would furnish the EU with better instruments to carry out its objectives in the field of ‘external relations’, as the EU prefers to refer to ‘foreign policy’. However, what the current crisis in Georgia shows most clearly is that what the EU's members need first and foremost is to reach substantive agreement on their foreign-policy objectives. Institutional development cannot foster policy leadership in a vacuum; at best, it can deliver policies based on the lowest common denominator between the positions of – in this case – Russia’s critics and its apologists.
Take, for example, Sarkozy’s mission to Moscow, where the French president simply endorsed the ‘peace plan’ prepared by the Russians – a plan that not only failed to mention the principle of Georgia’s territorial integrity, but also allowed Moscow to undertake unspecified ‘security measures’. Almost two weeks after Sarkozy’s ‘mediation’, Russian troops are still roaming freely in Georgia, and there is very little Europe can do about it in the short run.
While it is true that, in foreign policy, it is often imperative to balance principles and effectiveness, in this case it is hard to see either in play. This has been all too often evident in EU policies towards Russia and its eastern neighbours, including the failure to agree on support for a membership action plan for Ukraine and Georgia at the NATO summit in Bucharest in April this year.Europe’s schismThe key problem is not a lack of formal prerogatives on the part of EU representatives, but the continuing schism between countries that are aware of the dangers of a resurgent Russia, not only for the former Soviet republics but for peace and stability in Europe, and the club of Russia’s friends in the EU, currently led by Italy’s Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. What Europe needs now is an honest debate on its policy towards Russia and its neighbours.
Such a debate should identify both general principles and Europe’s key interests, for instance in the field of energy policy. It should bring back into the spotlight dubious projects that will increase Europe’s dependence on Russian energy resources, such as the Baltic gas pipeline between Russia and Germany. Such a debate should be conduced in a manner that allows new member states to voice their legitimate security concerns without being labelled ‘Russophobes’.An eastern policyThe need for such an internal EU debate is justification enough for putting on hold negotiations on the EU-Russia agreement and for a possible review of the negotiating mandate.
At the same time, the European Commission should quickly develop a package of policy proposals for the Polish-Swedish “Eastern Partnership” initiative, as endorsed at the last European summit in June. This initiative aims to strengthen EU relations with the countries most concerned about the Russia-Georgia conflict, including Georgia itself, Ukraine, and Moldova (which – like Georgia – has to deal with Russia-backed secessionists), as well as Azerbaijan and Armenia. The package should include significant EU assistance for efforts to strengthen democracy and the rule of law in these eastern neighbours, as well as to help them deal with internal conflicts. In short, the EU should help these countries achieve the ‘Copenhagen criteria’ that played a crucial role in the democratic transformations of central Europe prior to the EU’s enlargement in 2004.
The package should also put these countries on the road towards visa-free travel to the EU. The first step in this direction should be the abolition of visa fees for their citizens. The fact that the EU could afford such generosity towards Serbia showed that all the ‘technical’ reasons justifying the current steep visa fees for the EU's neighbours are but a hypocritical excuse used to mask a lack of political will. This needs to change now.
Last but not least, the EU should prioritise early NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia, and review the EU's own enlargement policy. Formal EU candidate status should eventually be extended to those eastern neighbours that have clearly demonstrated their European aspirations, such as Ukraine and Georgia.
The idea that further enlargement should be held hostage to the EU's internal reform – a position adopted by Sarkozy – is wrong. There is no evidence that EU institutions in their current form are less effective as a result of the recent enlargement. Making prospective members hostages to ratification of the Lisbon treaty is unlikely to convince Irish voters to change their minds. Most importantly, by putting further enlargement on hold, the EU would be voluntarily depriving itself of the most effective foreign policy tool it has ever had.
Jacek Kucharczyk is the research director of the Institute of Public Affairs, a Polish think-tank and member of the Policy Association for an Open Society (PASOS).
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